U.S. Senate – USA Gov Policy

President Obama persistently states that he must take executive action, frequently of questionable constitutionality, due to inaction by the House of Representatives, which is led by Republicans. The major media, including the White House press corps, has not substantively questioned that assertion.

The facts indicate otherwise. Rep. Lynn Jenkins (R-Kansas) has compiled a list which clearly demonstrates that the House has vigorously passed an extensive amount of legislation, which Senate Majority Leader and key White House ally Senator Harry Reid (D-Nevada) refuses to bring to a vote.

These are the statistics:

352 bills remain imprisoned on Senator Reid’s desk.
98% of those were passed with bipartisan support in the House.
50% were passed unanimously.
70% passed with two-thirds support.
55 of the bills were, in fact, introduced by Democrats.

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There are two issues at play here. First, the President has demonstrated a disturbing lack of honesty–and a surplus of partisanship– in his numerous statements about Congress. Second, the White House Press Corps, as well as most of the major media, has utterly failed in their obligation to present thorough, unbiased news to their audience by failing to report these statistics.

By simply and unquestionably reporting the President’s incorrect comments, the Press Corps and the major media are functioning more as a wing of the Administration rather than as journalists.

One of the most fierce and important conflicts has been ongoing this week in the U.S. Senate, as Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nevada) emphasizes a move to alter the First Amendment.

As previously reported in the New York Analysis of Policy & Government, two Democrat senators, Tom Udall (D-New Mexico) and Charles Schumer (D-New York), proposed a measure that would limit free speech protections as they pertain to campaign donations. The proposed legislation has gained 43 Senate supporters—all Democrats.

At a Senate Rules Committee hearing earlier this year, Schumer stated that “”The First Amendment is sacred, but the First Amendment is not absolute. By making it absolute, you make it less sacred to most Americans.”

The push comes in the wake of recent U.S. Supreme Court decisions in the McCutheon http://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/mccutcheon-v-federal-election-commission/ and Citizens United http://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/citizens-united-v-federal-election-commission/ cases which struck down restrictions on First Amendment rights in campaign donations. Democrats point to monies from the Koch brothers; Republicans counter with the extraordinary amounts provided by George Soros, and a host of Hollywood and Wall Street sources.
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Democrats, closely linked to the increasingly troubled White House, are deeply concerned that Republicans will attract substantially more contributions in the upcoming election.

Reid’s move should be seen in light of other questionable attempts to reinterpret the First Amendment. Previously, the White House sought to have federal “monitors” review the work of talk radio and internet news sites, both seen as tilted towards the GOP. The President’s move to allow international control of the internet has also been seen as a threat to free speech in that medium.

A recent report in the Washington Free Beacon http://freebeacon.com/politics/obama-thought-he-could-amend-constitution-in-second-term/ author Ken Vogel noted that President Obama, in an address to wealthy donors in 2012, asserted that he would be “in a very strong position” to amend the Constitution regarding campaign laws during his second term.

Quick Analysis

Ukraine’s Frozen Conflict

As we approach winter in the northern hemisphere, the war in Ukraine is beginning to resemble a “frozen conflict” from many perspectives. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky recently told the media he hopes the war will end faster once President-elect Trump takes over in January. Opinions in Moscow, however, differ from that of the Ukrainian leader. Russian President Vladimir Putin argues that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) needs to exclude Ukraine from joining in “exchange” for peace. If it does not, he says, then no end to the war is in sight. So far there is no Christmas solution. Several NATO countries, according to Vladimir Socor of the Jamestown Foundation, are tentatively considering “coalitions-of-the-willing” to provide security for Ukraine outside of the formal NATO framework. There is, however, no collective mechanism today under which such an arrangement is viable. According to the NATO Charter, while Ukraine is a NATO partner country, it may not join as a full member since it has not fulfilled the requirements for membership. That has not stopped NATO and allies from continuing “to provide Ukraine with unprecedented levels of support, helping to uphold its fundamental right to self-defence,” according to the organization. Socor says that keeping Ukraine out of NATO will not advance peace with Russia. Waiting for a peace settlement, he suggests, would only serve to encourage Moscow to continue the war indefinitely. Although the Biden Administration officially withdrew its support for Ukrainian membership in 2021, NATO maintains an “open door” policy toward membership-seeking countries. The current White House position led the way for European states to oppose Ukraine’s membership saying that a decision should be delayed until “conditions are met.” Biden pushed for changing “open door” to a “bridge” metaphor. It is not intended as an across-the-board NATO policy and has been implemented in the past on a case-by-case basis, says Socor. “The alliance’s open-door policy was not fully insulated from Russia’s non-statutory blocking power, and NATO-aspirant countries’ path toward membership was not always irreversible.” Russia has successfully blocked states like Georgia from joining, first in 2008 and again after the war in Ukraine began in 2014. Russia recognizes the value add of Ukraine to NATO is enormous and that Kyiv has a better case than some other nations. Putin’s invasion was, in part, intended to foreclose that option. By 2021, Moscow was pushing hard to maximize its war objectives, which included further annexations of Ukrainian territory. A main goal for Putin was, and is, to ensure there is no Ukraine left to join NATO. As President-elect Trump prepares to assume office in January, he is faced with the historical challenges presented by the war. Post-conflict security guarantees were the center of several proposals made during the 2023 military stalemate. The incoming Trump Administration has yet to outline how it intends to handle the Russia-Ukraine war. Analysts in Washington believe that the new Administration will expect its European allies to guarantee the majority of Ukraine’s security needs. As we approach 2025, several European nations have acknowledged that they do not view Ukraine as eligible for NATO membership as it would draw the organization into the middle of the conflict. Others want to wait until the war is over or pending a “peace” settlement before considering Ukrainian membership. Socor reports that some “influential voices” are suggesting that “Kyiv should join NATO after “freezing” the war along a stable armistice line, de facto accepting Ukraine’s partition, with NATO security guarantees applying de jure to the government-controlled territory only.” This would mean starting accession talks soon with the actual talks to commence only after a ceasefire is in place. Trump arrives in Washington at a time when Putin’s hybrid strategies of war in Ukraine have eviscerated commonly-held differences between war and peace. “Absent a political consensus in NATO over Ukrainian membership, certain European allies, including France’s President Emmanuel Macron, are holding informal consultations about post-conflict security guarantees to Kyiv by NATO members outside of NATO’s framework,” according to the Jamestown Foundation. The Biden Administration downplayed the discussions on possible forms of military assistance and defense industry cooperation by sending only an Assistant Secretary of State. For a European peace to hold the Trump Administration would need to formally extend the United States’ nuclear deterrence to Ukraine. Options under discussion in Europe include a “coalition of the resolute” to deploy forces to Ukraine as part of a possible armistice package, deterring further Russian attacks, says Secor. European officials are also debating, without any agreement, whether its military forces could perform non-combat logistical roles to free Ukrainian forces to fight. None of the possible courses of action has moved forward as all eyes are waiting on the incoming Trump Administration for clues about its intended level of support for a NATO framework and other non-NATO proposals. Daria Novak served in the U.S. State Dept.