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America’s New National Security Strategy, Part 4

What are the goals in both trade and military security of the new National Security Strategy? In this final excerpt from the document itself, we present the key provisions.

Promote Free, Fair, and Reciprocal Economic Relationships

For decades, the United States has allowed unfair trading practices to grow. Other countries have used dumping, discriminatory non-tariff barriers, forced technology transfers, non-economic capacity, industrial subsidies, and other support from governments and state-owned enterprises to gain economic advantages.

Today we must meet the challenge. We will address persistent trade imbalances, break down trade barriers, and provide Americans new opportunities to increase their exports. The United States will expand trade that is fairer so that U.S. workers and industries have more opportunities to compete for business. We oppose closed mercantilist trading blocks. By strengthening the international trading system and incentivizing other countries to embrace market-friendly policies, we can enhance our prosperity. Th e United States distinguishes between economic competition with countries that follow fair and free market principles and competition with those that act with little regard for those principles.

Priority Actions

ADOPT NEW TRADE AND INVESTMENT AGREEMENTS AND MODERNIZE EXISTING ONES;

COUNTER UNFAIR TRADE PRACTICES;

COUNTER FOREIGN CORRUPTION;

WORK WITH LIKE-MINDED PARTNERS;

FACILITATE NEW MARKET OPPORTUNITIES;

 

The U.S. must:

Lead in Research, Technology, Invention, and Innovation;

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Embrace Energy Dominance;

MILITARY SECURITY

The United States must retain overmatch— the combination of capabilities in sufficient scale to prevent enemy success and to ensure that America’s sons and daughters will never be in a fair fight. Overmatch strengthens our diplomacy and permits us to shape the international environment to protect our interests. To retain military overmatch the United States must restore our ability to produce innovative capabilities, restore the readiness of our forces for major war, and grow the size of the force so that it is capable of operating at sufficient scale and for ample duration to win across a range of scenarios. We must convince adversaries that we can and will defeat them—not just punish them if they attack the United States. We must ensure the ability to deter potential enemies by denial, convincing them that they cannot accomplish objectives through the use of force or other forms of aggression. We need our allies to do the same—to modernize, acquire necessary capabilities, improve readiness, expand the size of their forces, and affirm the political will to win.

NUCLEAR FORCES

Following the Cold War, the United States reduced investments in our nuclear enterprise and reduced the role of nuclear weapons in our strategy. Some parts of America’s strategic nuclear Triad of bombers, sea-based missiles, and land-based missiles are over 30 years old, and much of our nuclear infrastructure dates to the World War II era. At the same time, however, nuclear-armed adversaries have expanded their arsenals and range of delivery systems. The United States must maintain the credible deterrence and assurance capabilities provided by our nuclear Triad and by U.S. theater nuclear capabilities deployed abroad. Significant investment is needed to maintain a U.S. nuclear arsenal and infrastructure that is able to meet national security threats over the coming decades.

Defense Industrial Base

A healthy defense industrial base is a critical element of U.S. power and the National Security Innovation Base. The ability of the military to surge in response to an emergency depends on our Nation’s ability to produce needed parts and systems, healthy and secure supply chains, and a skilled U.S. workforce. The erosion of American manufacturing over the last two decades, however, has had a negative impact on these capabilities and threatens to undermine the ability of U.S. manufacturers to meet national security requirements. Today, we rely on single domestic sources for some products and foreign supply chains for others, and we face the possibility of not being able to produce specialized components for the military at home. As America’s manufacturing base has weakened, so too have critical workforce skills ranging from industrial welding, to high-technology skills for cybersecurity and aerospace. Support for a vibrant domestic manufacturing sector, a solid defense industrial base, and , and resilient supply chains is a national priority.

Space

The United States must maintain our leadership and freedom of action in space. Communications and financial networks, military and intelligence systems, weather monitoring, navigation, and more have components in the space domain. As U.S. dependence on space has increased, other actors have gained access to space-based systems and information. Governments and private sector firms have the ability to launch satellites into space at increasingly lower costs. ­ e fusion of data from imagery, communications, and geolocation services allows motivated actors to access previously unavailable information. ­ is “democratization of space” has an impact on military operations and on America’s ability to prevail in conflict.

Cyberspace

Malicious state and non-state actors use cyberattacks for extortion, information warfare, disinformation, and more. Such a acks have the capability to harm large numbers of people and institutions with comparatively minimal investment and a troubling degree of deniability. These attacks can undermine faith and confidence in democratic institutions and the global economic system. Many countries now view cyber capabilities as tools for projecting influence, and some use cyber tools to protect and extend their autocratic regimes. Cyberattacks have become a key feature of modern conflict. The United States will deter, defend, and when necessary defeat malicious actors who use cyberspace capabilities against the United States. When faced with the opportunity to take action against malicious actors in cyberspace, the United States will be risk informed, but not risk averse, in considering our options.

 

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Quick Analysis

America’s New National Security Strategy, Part 3

Since its release last week, the White House’s “America First” National Security Strategy has prompted considerable debate.  In this third installment of our review of the document, we present how this is outlined within the document.

An America First National Security Strategy

The competitions and rivalries facing the United States are not passing trends or momentary problems. They are intertwined, long-term challenges that demand our sustained national attention and commitment.

America possesses unmatched political, economic, military, and technological advantages. But to maintain these advantages, build upon our strengths, and unleash the talents of the American people, we must protect four vital national interests in this competitive world.

First, our fundamental responsibility is to protect the American people, the homeland, and the American way of life. We will strengthen control of our borders and reform our immigration system. We will protect our critical infrastructure and go after malicious cyber actors. A layered missile defense system will defend our homeland against missile attacks. And we will pursue threats to their source, so that jihadist terrorists are stopped before they ever reach our borders.

Second, we will promote American prosperity. We will rejuvenate the American economy for the benefit of American workers and companies. We will insist upon fair and reciprocal economic relationships to address trade imbalances. The United States must preserve our lead in research and technology and protect our economy from competitors who unfairly acquire our intellectual property. And we will embrace America’s energy dominance because unleashing abundant energy resources stimulates our economy.

Third, we will preserve peace through strength by rebuilding our military so that it remains preeminent, deters our adversaries, and if necessary, is able to fight and win. We will compete with all tools of national power to ensure that regions of the world are not dominated by one power. We will strengthen America’s capabilities—including in space and cyberspace—and revitalize others that have been neglected. Allies and partners magnify our power. We expect them to shoulder a fair share of the burden of responsibility to protect against common threats.

Fourth, we will advance American influence because a world that supports American interests and reflects our values makes America more secure and prosperous. We will compete and lead in multilateral organizations so that American interests and principles are protected. America’s commitment to liberty, democracy, and the rule of law serves as an inspiration for those living under ‑ ranny. We can play a catalytic role in promoting private-sector-led economic growth, helping aspiring partners become future trading and security partners. And we will remain a generous nation, even as we expect others to share responsibility.

Strengthening our sovereignty—the first duty of a government is to serve the interests of its own people—is a necessary condition for protecting these four national interests. And as we strengthen our sovereignty we will renew confidence in ourselves as a nation. We are proud of our history, optimistic about America’s future, and confident of the positive example the United States offers to the world. We are also realistic and understand that the American way of life cannot be imposed upon others, nor is it the inevitable culmination of progress. Together with our allies, partners, and aspiring partners, the United States will pursue cooperation with reciprocity. Cooperation means sharing responsibilities and burdens. In trade, fair and reciprocal relationships benefit all with equal levels of market access and opportunities for economic growth. An America First National Security Strategy appreciates that America will catalyze conditions to unleash economic success for America and the world.

[The Report outlines these key areas that must be addressed.  The U.S. must:]

Secure U.S. Borders and Territory .
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Defend Against Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD)

Combat Biothreats and Pandemics

Strengthen Border Control and Immigration Policy

Pursue ­ threats their Source

Defeat Jihadist Terrorists

Dismantle Transnational Criminal Organizations

Keep America Safe in the Cyber Era

Promote American Resilience.

IMPROVE RISK MANAGEMENT: The United States will improve its ability to assess the threats and hazards that pose the greatest risks to Americans and will prioritize resources based on the highest risks. BUILD A CULTURE OF PREPAREDNESS: This Administration will take steps to build a culture of preparedness, informing and empowering communities and individuals to obtain the skills and take the preparatory actions necessary to become more resilient against the threats and hazards that Americans face. IMPROVE PLANNING: State and local governments must conduct realistic exercises that test existing plans to make sure that they are sound and can be executed. Agencies from all levels of government must coordinate better and apply lessons learned from exercises to pinpoint the areas and capabilities that require improvement. INCENTIVIZE INFORMATION SHARING: To improve the coordination among the private sector and all levels of government that is needed to improve resilience, we must make a stronger commitment to protecting sensitive information so that all partners actively identify and share vulnerabilities and work collaboratively to reduce them.

The Report Concludes Monday

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America’s New National Security Strategy, Part 2

 Threats from North Korea, Russia’s attempt to reconstruct the Soviet empire, China’s belligerence, international terrorism, all were met with relative nonchalance by the Obama administration. The new National Security Strategy, released last week, marks a new and more assertive U.S. response.  In this second installment of our presentation of excerpts from that document, we look at the Administration’s outline of the growing dangers from abroad.

THE THREAT

Following the remarkable victory of free nations in the Cold War, America emerged as the lone super-power with enormous advantages and momentum in the world. Success, however, bred complacency. A belief emerged, among many, that American power would be unchallenged and self– sustaining. The United States began to drift. We experienced a crisis of confidence and surrendered our advantages in key areas. As we took our political, economic, and military advantages for granted, other actors steadily implemented their long-term plans to challenge America and to advance agendas opposed to the United States, our allies, and our partners. We stood by while countries exploited the international institutions we helped to build. ­ They subsidized their industries, forced technology transfers, and distorted markets. These and other actions challenged America’s economic security. At home, excessive regulations and high taxes stifled growth and weakened free enterprise—history’s greatest antidote to poverty. Each time government encroached on the productive activities of private commerce, it threatened not only our prosperity but also the spirit of creation and innovation that has been key to our national greatness.

The United States will respond to the growing political, economic, and military competitions we face around the world.

China and Russia challenge American power, influence, and interests, attempting to erode American security and prosperity. They are determined to make economies less free and less fair, to grow their militaries, and to control information and data to repress their societies and expand their influence. At the same time, the dictatorships of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the Islamic Republic of Iran are determined to destabilize regions, threaten Americans and our allies, and brutalize their own people. Transnational threat groups, from jihadist terrorists to transnational criminal organizations, are actively trying to harm Americans. While these challenges differ in nature and magnitude, they are fundamentally contests between those who value human dignity and freedom and those who oppress individuals and enforce uniformity.

These competitions require the United States to rethink the policies of the past two decades—policies based on the assumption that engagement with rivals and their inclusion in international institutions and global commerce would turn them into benign actors and trustworthy partners. For the most part, this premise turned out to be false.
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Rival actors use propaganda and other means to try to discredit democracy. ­ They advance anti-Western views and spread false information to create divisions among ourselves, our allies, and our partners. In addition, jihadist terrorists such as ISIS and al-Qa’ida continue to spread a barbaric ideology that calls for the violent destruction of governments and innocents they consider to be apostates. ­ ese jihadist terrorists attempt to force those under their influence to submit to Sharia law.

U.S. advantages are shrinking as rival states modernize and build up their conventional and nuclear forces. Many actors can now field a broad arsenal of advanced missiles, including variants that can reach the American homeland. Access to technology empowers and emboldens otherwise weak states. North Korea—a country that starves its own people—has spent hundreds of millions of dollars on nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons that could threaten our homeland. In addition, many actors have become skilled at operating below the threshold of military conflict—challenging the United States, our allies, and our partners with hostile actions cloaked in deniability. Our task is to ensure that American military superiority endures, and in combination with other elements of national power, is ready to protect Americans against sophisticated challenges to national security.

The contest over information accelerates these political, economic, and military competitions. Data, like energy, will shape U.S. economic prosperity and our future strategic position in the world. The ability to harness the power of data is fundamental to the continuing growth of America’s economy, prevailing against hostile ideologies, and building and deploying the most effective military in the world.

We learned the difficult lesson that when America does not lead, malign actors fi ll the void to the disadvantage of the United States. When America does lead, however, from a position of strength and confidence and in accordance with our interests and values, all benefit. Competition does not always mean hostility, nor does it inevitably lead to conflict—although none should doubt our commitment to defend our interests. An America that successfully competes is the best way to prevent confl ict. Just as American weakness invites challenge, American strength and confidence deters war and promotes peace.

The Report Continues Tomorrow

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Quick Analysis

America’s New National Security Strategy

­

There is little doubt the United States has taken a significant tumble from its prior position as “the world’s Indispensable Nation.” The deterioration affects both military strength and the economic and industrial muscle necessary to protect the population. Washington’s position relative to its significant opponents in Russia, China, Iran, and North Korea, both singularly and in the growing alliance of those nations, as well as in threats from international terrorism, has been sharply reduced, both as a result of the growing power of those competitors as well as in poor policy decisions during the Obama Administration.

It has been clear that a rethinking of U.S. national security strategy is overdue.  The new “National Security Strategy” released by the Trump Administration last week directly addresses that issue. We provide key excerpts from the document, which we have divided into relevant sections.

OVERVIEW FROM PRESIDENT TRUMP

The United States faces an extraordinarily dangerous world, filled with a wide range of threats that have intensified in recent years. When I came into office, rogue regimes were developing nuclear weapons and missiles to threaten the entire planet. Radical Islamist terror groups were flourishing. Terrorists had taken control of vast swaths of the Middle East. Rival powers were aggressively undermining American interests around the globe. At home, porous borders and unenforced immigration laws had created a host of vulnerabilities. Criminal cartels were bringing drugs and danger into our communities. Unfair trade practices had weakened our economy and exported our jobs overseas. Unfair burden-sharing with our allies and inadequate investment in our own defense had invited danger from those who wish us harm. Too many Americans had lost trust in our government, faith in our future, and confidence in our values. Nearly one year later, although serious challenges remain, we are charting a new and very di erent course. We are rallying the world against the rogue regime in North Korea and confronting the danger posed by the dictatorship in Iran, which those determined to pursue a flawed nuclear deal had neglected. We have renewed our friendships in the Middle East and partnered with regional leaders to help drive out terrorists and extremists, cut off their financing, and discredit their wicked ideology. We crushed Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) terrorists on the battlefields of Syria and Iraq, and will continue pursuing them until they are destroyed. America’s allies are now contributing more to our common defense, strengthening even our strongest alliances. We have also continued to make clear that the United States will no longer tolerate economic aggression or unfair trading practices.

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An America First National Security Strategy is based on American principles, a clear-eyed assessment of U.S. interests, and a determination to tackle the challenges that we face. It is a strategy of principled realism that is guided by outcomes, not ideology. It is based upon the view that peace, security, and prosperity depend on strong, sovereign nations that respect their citizens at home and cooperate to advance peace abroad. And it is grounded in the realization that American principles are a lasting force for good in the world.

America’s achievements and standing in the world were neither inevitable nor accidental. On many occasions, Americans have had to compete with adversarial forces to preserve and advance our security, prosperity, and the principles we hold dear. At home, we fought the Civil War to end slavery and preserve our Union in the long struggle to extend equal rights for all Americans. In the course of the bloodiest century in human history, millions of Americans fought, and hundreds of thousands lost their lives, to defend liberty in two World Wars and the Cold War. America, with our allies and partners, defeated fascism, imperialism, and Soviet communism and eliminated any doubts about the power and durability of republican democracy when it is sustained by a free, proud, and unified people. The United States consolidated its military victories with political and economic triumphs built on market economies and fair trade, democratic principles, and shared security partnerships. American political, business, and military leaders worked together with their counterparts in Europe and Asia to shape the post-war order through the United Nations, the Marshall Plan, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and other institutions designed to advance our shared interests of security, freedom, and peace. We recognize the invaluable advantages that our strong relationships with allies and partners deliver.

The Report Continues Tomorrow

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Obama’s national security stunner

The White House has unveiled its 2015 National Security Strategy (NSS)   It is a remarkable document, in that it ignores facts and unblushingly proclaims positions that are precisely the opposite of what President Obama has done and intends to do.

The Administration alleges that “Today, the United States is stronger and better positioned to seize the opportunities of a new century and safeguard our interests against the risks of an insecure world.” The reality couldn’t be further from the truth.

U.S. armed forces are reaching historic low points, at a time when their  enemies are reaching their highest points. The Army is close to the smallest it has been since 1940, the Navy, since 1915. The Air Force is the smallest it has been in history. Our intelligence assets are demoralized and diminished. Our equipment, both strategic and conventional, is increasingly obsolete and overused, our personnel, exhausted.

The Russians now have a ten to one advantage in tactical nuclear weapons and, for the first time in history, an advantage in strategic nuclear weapons as well.

The NSS goes on to promise that NATO will be strengthened. Yet Mr. Obama unilaterally and very quietly withdrew all American tanks from Europe early in 2014.  The White House also surrendered to Moscow’s demands regarding the scheduled development of anti-missile defense system in Poland.

In the Pacific, the U.S. Navy is in crisis.  For the first time since the end of World War II, it does not have a carrier available for duty in the East Pacific, at a time when China is becoming a major naval power.

Opponents of appropriate defense spending make the uneducated argument that today’s weapons are more capable than their predecessors, so fewer numbers are needed.  They neglect to mention that countermeasures to our ships, planes, and tanks are vastly superior to what they have ever been, meaning that the advanced capabilities don’t negate the requirement for adequate numbers. They also neglect to mention that both Russia and China are now our equals in military technology, or that the U.S. defense industrial base is a mere shadow of what it once was. A prime example: there is only one plant in America capable of building tanks, and the President has repeatedly attempted to close it down.
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The disingenuousness of the document is similar to the startlingly incorrect statement Mr. Obama made in the State of the Union address, when he alleged that “The shadow of the crisis of terrorism has passed,” despite all evidence to the contrary.  The NSS promises to “lead” the world in the fight against terrorism. In practice, the administration’s premature withdrawal from Iraq led to the rise of ISIS, and a similar practice is now taking place in Afghanistan. The release of terrorist leaders from Guantanamo Bay certainly does not ease the fight against terrorism. The President’s support for so-called “Arab Spring” movements allowed Al Qaeda and Moslem Brotherhood influence to expand throughout the Middle East. Mr. Obama’s vanished “red line” in Syria illustrated his lack of resolve.

The document goes on to state that commitments to our service members will be kept. Yet this administration has repeatedly sought to cut benefits to them.

The documents notes that it is “Striving for a world without nuclear weapons and ensuring nuclear materials do not fall into the hands of irresponsible states and violent non-state actors.” In reality, the Administration has vigorously fought against bipartisan Congressional attempts to stiffen sanctions against Iran’s nuclear program, and has done nothing of significance in response to Moscow’s violation of arms control measures. The lack of success in dealing with North Korea on its nuclear program is crystal clear.  And by the way, if sequestration cuts go into effect this year, Pyongyang’s army will be larger than America’s by 2016.

The NSS promises to enhance homeland security. Yet by failing to maintain security on America’s borders, it allows an open door for terrorist to enter the nation. It also promises to “Promoting a prosperous, secure, and democratic Western Hemisphere by expanding integration and leveraging a new opening to Cuba to expand our engagement.”  In reality, the President has done nothing to counter the growing Russian, Chinese, and Iranian military presence throughout Latin America.

The document discusses working with allies, but this White House has barely ever missed an opportunity to cast America’s allies aside. Consider the surrender of British nuclear information to Russia during the New START treaty discussions, the refusal to lodge even a diplomatic protest when China attacked the Philippine exclusive economic zone, the ABM-related betrayal of Poland and the stunning downgrading of U.S. relations with Israel.

There are two vital issues raised by this exceptionally hypocritical document.  The first is the significant threat to national security by the many inept actions made by this White House over its tenure. The second is the record of constant duplicity of an administration that continuously states one thing, and then does precisely the opposite.