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Threat From Space

Speaking at the 35th Space Symposium in Colorado, Acting Defense Secretary Patrick M/ Shanahan described the national security threats America faces in space, and outlined the necessary response to them.

We must confront reality.  Weapons are currently deployed by our competitors, that can attack our assets in space.  

Both China and Russia have weaponized space with the intent to hold American space capabilities at risk.  China’s communist government has exercised and continues to develop the capability to jam, targeting SATCOM, ISR and GPS.

The PLA is also deploying directed-energy weapons.  And we expect them to field a ground-based laser system aimed at low-earth orbit space sensors by next year. 

They’re also prepared to use cyber-attacks against our space systems, and have deployed an operational ground-based ASAT missile system.  And China has moved rapidly at advanced weapon capabilities, particularly hypersonics, that we are not capable of tracking.  Russia is doing many of the exact same things.  

Meanwhile, in the United Nations, both of them are pushing international agreements that we know they won’t abide by.  The threat is clear.  We’re in an era of great power competition.  And the next major conflict may be won or lost in space. 

Because of their actions, space is no longer a sanctuary.  It is now a warfighting domain.  This is not a future or theoretical threat.  This is today’s threat. 

We are not going to sit back and watch.  We are going to act.  We are going to deter conflict from extending into space, and ensure we can respond decisively if deterrence fails. 

Because the stakes are so high, we need to move with urgency.  Our presence in space underpins the department’s ability to defend our nation, deter aggression and project power globally.  Space is fundamental to our modern way of war. 

And our $19 trillion economy increasingly relies on space, from the GPS you use to navigate, to the delivery drones and self-driving cars of the future, to the phone you will tweet quotes from my remarks today, space is fundamental to our modern way of life. 

Looking forward, space power will not just be as vital to strength — it will be just as vital to strength and prosperity of our country as sea power was, centuries ago. 

And just as we developed the U.S. Navy to ensure freedom, free navigation of the seas, we need a military organization to ensure free navigation of the stars.  America’s future depends on space.  We will develop the forces and capabilities to protect and defend our space interests. 

In addition to the threat, we also see thousands of satellites going into space in the next few years, as the cost of launch continues to come down and space technology rapidly advances.  This will unlock new opportunities and increase the importance of space for the American economy. 

Unfortunately, the department is not moving fast enough to stay ahead.  In the language of the private sector, the market has shifted and our old business model won’t survive. 

We have a choice.  Change now, or maintain the status quo.  Facing this challenge, senior Pentagon leaders asked a fundamental question, what does a plan to win in space require?  This led to more questions such as should the department confront the contested space environment in a dozen different organizations, or as one enterprise?

Should we continue integrating space capabilities at the level of the Deputy Secretary or should there be a senior leader in the Pentagon who is accountable for space?  Should we man, train and equip for space in three separate services or consolidate based on one physical domain?

Should protecting and defending space continue to be the third priority of the STRATCOM Commander or should there be a combatant commander focused on space every day?  We realized that although we have the talent we need and the technology at our fingertips, the department does not currently have the organizational and leadership structure necessary to move fast, leverage new technology and defend our space interests.

Rather than watch the world evolve around us, we are seizing the strategic initiative.  We went back to the drawing board and came up with a new plan.  This plan will impose costs on our would-be adversaries and deny them any perceived benefits.

To paraphrase President Reagan, peace in space requires strength in space.  In order to do this, we will consolidate our space efforts into three parts, U.S. Space Force, U.S. Space Command and the Space Development Agency.

Part one, and the largest change, is establishing the United States Space Force, the future sixth branch of our Armed Forces.  Our military is structured around physical domains, Navy on sea, Army on land, Air Force on air.

Given the changes in the environment, we now need a military service dedicated to protecting and defending space, the Space Force.  Just like the other military services, the Space Force will be responsible for organizing, training and equipping the military force.

Two elements of this organized train and equip mission are worth elaborating on.  First, professional development.  This is recruiting, educating and promoting space personnel.  Today, space experts, go through professional military education system focused on either air, land, or sea power.  Space is an add-on, a supporting effort, not the focus.

The Space Force will build a professional development system that recruits technical talent, educates them in space from the beginning and provides a clear promotion path, all to produce the quantity and quality of space leaders we need to protect and defend space.

Second, organizing and equipping includes force design and force development.  This means understanding the domain, the technology and warfare deeply enough to design future capabilities and deliver them, ensuring space power not only today but in the future.

The Space Force will develop requirements, work with interagency partners, engage with Congress and drive the organizational focus we need to win in space as the domain evolves.  In short, the Space Force will be responsible for developing military units that can protect and defend America’s space interests.

The initial numbers of the Space Force are small, 15[,000] to 20,000 people drawn from existing forces, and by creating the new service inside the Air Force, the additional cost is less than one-tenth of one percent of the DOD budget, or put another way, the Space Force will cost about $1.50 per American per year.

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With help from Congress, we will create the Space Force and ensure the focus is on growing warfighter capability, not bureaucracy.  The Space Force is a low cost, low bureaucracy proposal that will ensure that America will have the ability to protect and defend our space interests for decades to come.

Part two is our new joint combatant command, the United States Space Command.  Currently, space operations are under the purview of U.S. Strategic Command.  

The Commander, a friend to many of you, General John Hyten, is one of our nation’s leading thinkers on space, but as General Hyten himself says, space is never better than his third priority, he must focus on strategic deterrence and nuclear command and control.  

This construct worked well when space was primarily an uncontested supporting mission for others.  Today, we need a command and a commander that spends 100 percent of their time focused on space.  That is – that is why the President directed the establishment of the new unified U.S. Space Command and recently nominated General Jay Raymond, another friend of this audience, to take the helm.

I urge the Senate to take up his nomination.  We’re ready to establish the new command shortly thereafter.  Part three is the Space Development Agency, what I call the pacing element of our plan, which will architect our future space ecosystem.

The SDA will focus on developing and delivering the next generation of space-based communications and earth observation, while existing organizations continue their efforts – their current efforts.  Let me use satellite communications as an example of the value SDA is going to bring.

First, consolidation of activity and integration at scale.  Currently, the U.S. military relies on a patchwork of Navy NUOS and Army WGS and Air Force AHF military satellite programs with heavy lifting done by spot market buys and commercial bandwidth from providers.  The result is we have deployed over 130 different types of wide band terminals, in addition to narrow band and protected SATCOM terminals.  

As we look to future architectures, we have a once in a generation opportunity to consolidate and provide the department a unified, multi-domain command and control system for the first time.

Second, SDA will lead a true national team systems engineering effort.  This is similar to the systems engineering required for the Aegis system, or Navy’s strategic support program, which integrates missiles, nuclear weapons, shore infrastructure, communications in a submarine, all to produce a critical leg of our nuclear triad. 

The space systems engineering challenge is similar.  The launch vehicle, the satellite bus, the payload.  The standards and protocols, the mesh network, the ground stations, the terminals.  All of it. 

Third, SDA will harness the innovation and investment that’s taking place in commercial space.  The revenue generated by the global space industry may increase to over $1.1 trillion by 2040.  DOD must leverage the private sector investment, chasing this opportunity. 

Our space R and D needs to include our own research and development as well as other forms of R and D.  I refer it to as “rip off and deploy.”  The rip off and deploy is the commercial market innovations. 

Finally, SDA will judiciously combine commercial innovation with exquisite capabilities unique to DOD.  These will include sensors that can detect and track hypersonic threats, machine learning to make sense of the enormous data we will collect, A.I. to link sensors and shooters, and cyber-security designed in from the beginning. 

The result will be a space architecture that is resilient, responsive and ahead of the threat.  These breakthroughs will empower our forces with multi-domain command and control.  

We are moving with purpose and speed to get these plans in motion.  Dr. Fred Kennedy is already at the helm of the SDA.  He will drive the SDA to explore, prototype and demonstrate systems and architectures at a rapid pace that allows them to risk, try, fail, learn and succeed. 

We don’t intend to go at it alone.  Our objectives are too far-reaching to be achieved by any one entity, even one as large as the Department of Defense.  We need to leverage the asymmetric advantages provided by American industry and our allies that no competitor can match.  Together, we’re going to maximize and protect space.  

The end state is a national security space architecture that is proliferated, affordable, persistent and provisioned for A.I.  When we’re done, it should look something like the cell phone network we have on Earth.  Different devices can connect and be upgraded, and subscribe to the network.  Allies and partners will work together to make this happen. 

This will go beyond technology development.  As with all warfighting domains, we will not fight alone.  We will have allies with us every step of the way, partnering with our Space Force and stationed at Space Command. 

The new space economy is American-led.  Men and women in this room and across the country are coming up with new ideas and putting amazing new things into orbit.  We want to be a part of that.  

Of course, the department is just one piece of the puzzle.  Congressmen Rogers and Cooper got us started on this path, and I want to thank them for their leadership.  

President Trump cast a bold vision.  Vice President Pence is driving change to achieve it through the National Space Council.  Secretary Ross, our NASA administrator have been pioneers as they drive their organizations to go faster in developing space assets and pursuing exploration. 

As DOD accelerates our efforts, we will partner closely with the interagency, industry, allies and partners.  I look forward to our continued engagement and partnership with Congress, as we work together in crafting the F.Y. ’20 NDAA.  

Today, we need to establish the Space Force to protect our future.  As President Trump has stated, our destiny beyond the earth is not only a matter of national identity, but a matter of national security. 

Our competitors have made their choices.  Space is under threat.  But we are ready today and we will remain ready as these threats expand.  

To those who want to partner with us, buckle up.  We are seizing on a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity.  We are starting now because we refuse to fall behind.  We can outpace our competitors and make it impossible for them to contest our dominance in space. 

Illustration: Chinese anti-satellite weapon, Fengyun-1C (From youtube video)

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The Reality of War in Space, Part 2

In an analysis of anti-satellite weapons, the Stimson Center noted that: “…entire constellations of valuable satellite systems rotating the Earth could be destroyed quickly if indeed an adversary is targeting them…Imagine, however, a future conflict in which space assets are targeted with destructive force. The US Air Force Space Command in recent years hosted wargaming exercises that simulated, in one instance, hostilities that required US and allied forces to operate for ‘a day without space.’ While loss of space-based communications was mitigated by terrestrial systems, the consequences for operating in space were certainly not remedied in a day. Indeed, participants were left to speculate if the United States might be contemplating a century or even much longer ‘without space.’ Consider what this could mean for the reputation of the United States, and for the trajectory of human discovery. Unchecked, hostile action in space could produce debris, orbiting the earth at nine times the speed of a bullet, … This could place manned and unmanned space flight at unacceptable risk of mission failure due to catastrophic collision with debris. Not only would investment in, and insurance for, advanced spacecraft and launch engineering be extinguished. Of much greater importance, mankind’s access to space for exploration and pursuit of knowledge would be closed off – for young and old alike, for schoolchildren, scientists and aspiring astronauts, in America and around the world, possibly for a very long time. A more toxic legacy for US security policy would be hard to conceive.”

Bryan Bender and Jacqueline Klimas, writing in Politico a few months ago, announced that “War is coming to outer space, and the Pentagon warns it is not yet ready, following years of underinvesting while the military focused on a host of threats on Earth.Russia and China are years ahead of the United States in developing the means to destroy or disable satellites that the U.S. military depends on for everything from gathering intelligence to guiding precision bombs, missiles and drones. Now the Pentagon is trying to catch up — pouring billions more dollars into hardening its defenses against anti-satellite weapons, training troops to operate in the event their space lifeline is cut, and honing ways to retaliate against a new form of combat that experts warn could affect millions of people, cause untold collateral damage and spread to battlefields on Earth.”

While Russia has more experience, China is increasingly the focus of concern. The Congressional Committee on Science, Space, and Technology, Subcommittee on Space hearing  has reported that “Unlike the United States, China does not have distinct military and civilian space programs. The Chinese military is functionally in charge of all space activities[and]… has demonstrated a strong disregard for interests of other countries in outer space through its anti-satellite tests…Mark A. Stokes, Executive Director of the Project 2049 Institute which analyses Asian-Pacific issues, testified “The evolving capacity of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to leverage space assets presents a number of challenges for the United States, allies, and friends in the AsiaPacific region…The Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is gradually developing a capacity to project military power vertically into space and horizontally beyond its immediate periphery…… The PLA appears to be investing resources into ground-based radar systems capable of providing queuing quality data for engaging targets in space. The PLA also has invested in electronic countermeasure technologies that could degrade an adversary’s satellite communications, navigation satellite signals, or SAR satellites operating within line of sight of an emitter. Overview of Military Space Organization and Requirements Guided by the Chinese Communist Party Central Committee Political Bureau, the Central Military Commission (CMC) and State Council establish national space and counterspace requirements.

According to Dean Cheng Senior Research Fellow for Chinese Political and Security, China’s National Security Law passed in 2015, states that outer space is a “commanding height” in the international strategic competition. “In the newest edition of Science of Military Strategy, a chapter is devoted to discussing military conflict in the space and cyber (as well as nuclear) domains, where it is noted that the importance of space has grown significantly.”

The kids get to travel with me at 1/2 price, and when tickets are purchased well in advance, it is a generic medicine of cheapest viagra. People even 50mg sildenafil generic after being so stressed out were helpless and could not do anything to get through the problem for more than 3 months. Most victims blame themselves for the abuse and this lowers their self-worth. deeprootsmag.org online cialis Further unevenness of hormones affect testosterone which gives energy cheap tadalafil 20mg http://deeprootsmag.org/2012/11/03/hep-cats/ to male’s while performing their sexual activities. Testifying before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission in 2015, Kevin Pollpeter of the University of California Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation stated: “Based on their analysis of U.S. military operations, Chinese military researchers view space as a critical component in making the PLA into a force capable of winning “informatized” wars and recognize the role space plays in the collection and transmittal of information and the need to deny those capabilities to an adversary. Indeed, nearly every Chinese source describes space as the “ultimate high ground,” leading many Chinese analysts to assess that space warfare is inevitable. Because of the preeminence of the space battlefield, analysts writing on space argue that it will become the center of gravity in future wars and one that must be seized and controlled. In fact, these analysts argue that the first condition for seizing the initiative is to achieve space supremacy.”

While prior administrations did not fully focus on the threat, the Trump White House has responded, in part by proposing the creation of an independent military branch devoted solely to space. Putin has responded, in typical Moscow fashion, by proposing an agenda that, if past precedents are to be believed, it has no intention of adhering to. Mark Whittington, writing in The Hill notes that  Putin suggested, among other things, a proposed ban on weapons in orbit. “The diplomatic gambit is an obvious response to Trump’s proposed Space Force. One would hope that if the proposal came up during the talks, Trump gave his Russian counterpart a one-word answer: ‘No.’… Russia, along with China, is feverishly trying to build weapons that can strike at American space assets. However, Russia is hampered by a moribund economy that would tend to inhibit the development of a Russian Space Force. Putin, knowing that he cannot match America’s capacity to develop and deploy space weapons, is trying to change the rules of the game.”

Illustration: U.S. Satellite (USAF)

 

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China’s Space Threat, Part 2

Our analysis of China’s military intentions in space concludes today. 

At a recent Congressional Committee on Science, Space, and Technology, Subcommittee on Space hearing  Chairman Lamar Smith (R-Texas) reported that “Unlike the United States, China does not have distinct military and civilian space programs. The Chinese military is functionally in charge of all space activities[and]… has demonstrated a strong disregard for interests of other countries in outer space through its anti-satellite tests…When China launched its first person into space in 2003, it caught the world’s attention. Over the years, our focus has waned and now China’s accomplishments in space have become common-place. We cannot ignore Chinese achievements and become complacent…If the United States fails to reassert its leadership, China’s rise may undermine U.S. plans to transfer low-earth orbit habitation and human spaceflight from a government activity to a sustainable economic activity undertaken by the private sector.”

Space Subcommittee Chairman Brian Babin (R-Texas) criticized the Obama Administration’s record:

 “President George W. Bush sought to revitalize our nation’s space program by challenging NASA to return to the Moon and then chart a course for Mars. Steady advances were made towards those goals with strong Congressional support for the Constellation Program. NASA made solid progress towards the development of the Ares 1 and Ares 5 vehicles. The Commercial Cargo program was initiated and the International Space Station neared completion.

“All of that success came to a screeching halt when President Obama was sworn in. His FY2010 budget request slashed well over a billion dollars from the exploration budget…President Obama cancelled Constellation in its next budget request, redirected even more money to Earth Science to support its radical political agenda, and guaranteed dependence on Russia for access to space for an extended period of time.

“So what does this have to do with China? Well, this vacuum of leadership has led not only to extended dependence on Russia for access to space, but also facilitated the ascendance of China as a leading spacefaring nation. China has capitalized on this administration’s weakness by offering partnerships with other nations on missions, like a return to the Moon, which the U.S. chose to walk away from.
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“Rather than charting a bold course that inspires the international community to engage with us, the Obama administration has alienated historic allies and potential partners alike. Only because of Congress is NASA building deep space exploration capabilities. Unfortunately, the administration refuses to let NASA show any detailed plans for a “Journey to Mars” beyond a PowerPoint chart. China, on the other hand, has demonstrated a willingness to answer calls for collaboration with open arms…They have already placed astronauts in orbit five times, launched a space station, and placed a rover on the Moon. They have announced plans for a larger space station, a first-of-akind mission to the far side of the Moon, and potentially a manned mission to the Moon in the 2030s.

“The administration’s abdication of leadership in space exploration has significant consequences. If we do not lead, someone else will. Leadership in space means security, technological prowess, and innovation. Our future prosperity depends on our leadership in space. If we do not lead, we will not set the terms and condition for those who follow. When the U.S. explores and embarks on adventures of discovery, we take with us our ideologies and principles…The Obama administration has already told the Europeans that that they are not interested in their Moon Village proposal. They’ve tried to walk away from their commitments to the Germans on SOFIA and actually abandoned ExoMars…China also threatens our nation’s cyber security. Couple that with their irresponsible antisatellite tests, and one is hardpressed to find a reason to reward their behavior with increased cooperation. We may not be in a space race with China. We may not even be competing with China in space, but the strategic choices we make clearly impact China’s space capabilities – something that we should all pay attention to given that China’s civil space activities are inseparable from their military…”

Mark A. Stokes, Executive Director of the Project 2049 Institute which analyses Asian-Pacific issues, testified “The evolving capacity of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to leverage space assets presents a number of challenges for the United States, allies, and friends in the AsiaPacific region…The Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is gradually developing a capacity to project military power vertically into space and horizontally beyond its immediate periphery…… The PLA appears to be investing resources into ground-based radar systems capable of providing queuing quality data for engaging targets in space. The PLA also has invested in electronic countermeasure technologies that could degrade an adversary’s satellite communications, navigation satellite signals, or SAR satellites operating within line of sight of an emitter. Overview of Military Space Organization and Requirements Guided by the Chinese Communist Party Central Committee Political Bureau, the Central Military Commission (CMC) and State Council establish national space and counterspace requirements.

According to Dean Cheng Senior Research Fellow for Chinese Political and Security, China’s National Security Law passed in 2015, states that outer space is a “commanding height” in the international strategic competition. “In the newest edition of Science of Military Strategy, a chapter is devoted to discussing military conflict in the space and cyber (as well as nuclear) domains, where it is noted that the importance of space has grown significantly.”

James A. Lewis, speaking for the Center for Strategic and International Studies,  stressed that “The U.S. and China are in a quiet competition for military advantage in … Space has been an area of disinterest by American leaders and this helps to explain the disconnect between exploration and strategic goals and why in any discussion of a space race, the U.S. appears to be lagging.”

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China’s Space Threat

The New York Analysis of Policy and Government begins a two-part look into China’s growing threat in space. 

China’s growing prowess in space technology is posing a growing threat to the United States. The U.S. Defense Department notes that in addition to the development of directed energy weapons and satellite jammers, China has developed anti-satellite capabilities.

Testifying before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission in 2015, Kevin Pollpeter of the University of California Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation stated: “Based on their analysis of U.S. military operations, Chinese military researchers view space as a critical component in making the PLA into a force capable of winning “informatized” wars and recognize the role space plays in the collection and transmittal of information and the need to deny those capabilities to an adversary. Indeed, nearly every Chinese source describes space as the “ultimate high ground,” leading many Chinese analysts to assess that space warfare is inevitable. Because of the preeminence of the space battlefield, analysts writing on space argue that it will become the center of gravity in future wars and one that must be seized and controlled. In fact, these analysts argue that the first condition for seizing the initiative is to achieve space supremacy.”

The Guardian reported that there is growing concern about China’s intentions in space and its growing abilities. According to Stuart Clark, the launch of Aolong 1 (Roaming Dragon)” raised eyebrows, and stoked fears in some quarters that the civilian space programme is just a front for more covert operations. Aolong 1 has a robotic arm that can grab another satellite and guide it to burn up in Earth’s atmosphere. Officially, it is to remove space debris from orbit but it could also be used as a weapon, bringing down a rival’s satellite.Although this is true of any space debris removal system, doubts remain because China does not have an unblemished record in anti-satellite weaponry. In 2007, the Chinese shot down one of their own orbiting spacecraft in what was probably a thinly veiled warning to America.”

CNBC notes that “the Asian colossus is investing in anti-satellite technologies that would destroy or disable space-based assets in the event of conflict. Considering the fact that the U.S. relies upon satellites for a lot of its intelligence collection and communication, it’s a worrisome trend. And it is exacerbating tensions with U.S. defense officials and security analysts concerned by China’s focus on enhancing its military capabilities in space.
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Popular Science outlines that that “This past year, [China] had 19 successful space launches—the second-highest number behind Russia’s 26, and ahead of America’s 18…[China is]  redefining what space means—militarily, economically, and politically—in the 21st century. There are plans for heavy-lift rockets, manned space stations, and one of the world’s largest satellite-imaging and -navigation networks. Meanwhile the U.S.—particularly where human spaceflight is concerned—is hardly moving at all. ‘I don’t worry about China suddenly leapfrogging us,’ says James Lewis, a director at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a D.C. think tank. ‘I worry about us being distracted and waking up to realize that they have a much more powerful position in space.”

A National Interest examination stated that “There are few areas where China is really competitive with the United States: high-speed computing, perhaps (China owns the world’s fastest computer), high-speed rail, enormous dam projects. Many of these “competitions” are mostly symbolic, but it is in outer space where Beijing is not only catching up quickly, but is on the verge of leaving the US space program – once the gold standard – in its wake… There is… one area where the indigenous Chinese defense and aerospace really does shine, and that is its space sector.

The Washington Free Beacon  reports that a Dong Neng-3 anti-satellite missile may soon be launched.

The Report concludes tomorrow. 

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America’s Vulnerability in Space

The United States is exceptionally dependent on orbital assets for its national defense. However, Adversaries such as China increasingly possess sophisticated weaponry which could quickly destroy American spacecraft.  That could lead to significant vulnerabilities.

In an analysis of anti-satellite weapons, the Stimson Center noted that:

“…entire constellations of valuable satellite systems rotating the Earth could be destroyed quickly if indeed an adversary is targeting them…Imagine, however, a future conflict in which space assets are targeted with destructive force. The US Air Force Space Command in recent years hosted wargaming exercises that simulated, in one instance, hostilities that required US and allied forces to operate for ‘a day without space.’ While loss of space-based communications was mitigated by terrestrial systems, the consequences for operating in space were certainly not remedied in a day. Indeed, participants were left to speculate if the United States might be contemplating a century or even much longer ‘without space.’ Consider what this could mean for the reputation of the United States, and for the trajectory of human discovery. Unchecked, hostile action in space could produce debris, orbiting the earth at nine times the speed of a bullet, … This could place manned and unmanned space flight at unacceptable risk of mission failure due to catastrophic collision with debris. Not only would investment in, and insurance for, advanced spacecraft and launch engineering be extinguished. Of much greater importance, mankind’s access to space for exploration and pursuit of knowledge would be closed off – for young and old alike, for schoolchildren, scientists and aspiring astronauts, in America and around the world, possibly for a very long time. A more toxic legacy for US security policy would be hard to conceive.”

In 2007, China destroyed an orbiting satellite. Testifying before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission in 2015, Kevin Pollpeter of the University of California Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation stated:

“Based on their analysis of U.S. military operations, Chinese military researchers view space as a critical component in making the PLA into a force capable of winning “informatized” wars and recognize the role space plays in the collection and transmittal of information and the need to deny those capabilities to an adversary. Indeed, nearly every Chinese source describes space as the “ultimate high ground,” leading many Chinese analysts to assess that space warfare is inevitable. Because of the preeminence of the space battlefield, analysts writing on space argue that it will become the center of gravity in future wars and one that must be seized and controlled. In fact, these analysts argue that the first condition for seizing the initiative is to achieve space supremacy.”

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In response to the escalating threat,General John Hyten, commander of Air Force Space Command, announced the command’s “Space Enterprise Vision” (SEV.)

Hyten cited studies that found that America’s space assets are “not resilient enough to be successful in a conflict that extends to space. He explained that “In the recent past, the United States enjoyed unchallenged freedom of action in the space domain. Most U.S. military space systems were not designed with threats in mind, and were built for long-term functionality and efficiency, with systems operating for decades in some cases. …This is no longer an adequate methodology to equip space forces.”

Hyten said the SEV will respond to “the increasing threat to space systems, and provides a vision for how the Air Force should build a force responsive to that threat.  The vision describes an integrated approach across all space mission areas, coupling the delivery of space mission effects to the warfighter (such as communications, positioning, navigation & timing, missile warning, and weather data) with the ability to protect and defend space capabilities against emerging threats.

“Consistent with U.S. National Space Policy, the vision enhances U.S. space forces’ ability to deter others from interference and attack, defend our space systems if deterrence fails and contribute to the defense of allied space systems…To guide the development of this future enterprise, the SEV proposes using a new optimizing concept called ‘resilience capacity’ to characterize and evaluate space capabilities.  Resilience capacity will measure how well space enterprise forces can respond to the full range of known threats, and how quickly they can adapt to counter future threats, while continuing to deliver space effects to joint and coalition warfighters.”