In our book Not Wasting a Crisis, the Lawless Biden Administration, we describe the efforts made, and that continue to be made, by the current Government to use its emergency powers to expand its authority. Many of these efforts have been attempted by Cabinet Secretaries, who have ordered their administrative agencies to promulgate regulations such as the mask and vaccine mandates during the Covid pandemic, or the DEI initiatives imposed on the Department of Defense and the FBI.
Time and again, these overreaches have been blocked by the US Supreme Court and lower courts based upon an examination of the original intent of Congress when a law was established; that is, did Congress intend to authorize the broad exercise of power claimed by a federal agency? Most often, the answer was no – Congress did not give the power claimed by an agency to that agency.
In Loper Bright Enterprises, the same rationale is applied; When it passed the APA, “Congress surely would have articulated a similarly deferential standard applicable to questions of law had it intended to depart from the settled…understanding that deciding such questions was ‘exclusively a judicial function’…[b]ut nothing in the APA hints at such a dramatic departure.”
Courts often applied the Chevron deference when the issue was a technical matter, and the federal agency was presumed to be the expert on such a complicated issue. Roberts dispels this reasoning by again referring to Congressional intent. “[E}ven when an ambiguity happens to implicate a technical matter,” the Court writes, “it does not follow that Congress has taken the power to authoritatively interpret the statute from the courts and given it to the agency. Congress expects courts to handle technical statutory questions.”
“[D}elegating ultimate interpretive authority to agencies is simply not necessary to ensure that the resolution of statutory ambiguities is well informed by subject matter expertise,” Roberts concludes. “The better presumption is therefore that Congress expects courts to do their ordinary job of interpreting statutes, with due respect for the views of the Executive Branch. And to the extent that Congress and the Executive Branch may disagree with how the courts have performed that job in a particular case, they are of course always free to act by revising the statute.”
The usual suspects sounded the usual alarm bells after the Loper Bright decision was published. “The Supreme Court’s decision to torch a once-obscure Reagan-era legal doctrine will remake one of the most fundamental aspects of power in Washington,” Politico claims, “and hobble presidents pursuing aggressive policies on anything from abortion to student debt relief. Peeling back the doctrine known as Chevron deference has been a conservative cause for decades, one aimed at restricting agencies’ freedom to decide how to interpret Congress’ often-ambiguous statutes…Conservatives advocating the change aimed to restrain presidents – mostly Democrats – whose agencies have stretched the boundaries of laws passed decades or generations ago to address the problems of today. Defanging the White House this way frees up judges to reach their own conclusions about what lawmakers meant, but it comes with a daunting consequence: From now on, Congress will be expected to sort out the intricacies of issues like housing finance, greenhouse gas emissions and artificial intelligence, at a time when it’s already struggling to legislate on big issues.”
In particular, Politico frets that “[t]he future of Biden’s student debt relief efforts – an appeal to young and millennial voters – may come undone without Chevron…[t]he Education Department argues that the president has the authority to enact this relief under the Higher Education Act’s compromise and settlement authority…[b]ut many argue that the agency’s interpretation is too broad, leaving Biden’s push particularly vulnerable to a judge unrestrained by Chevron.
On the other hand, “Roman Martinez, who argued the case on behalf of one of the fishing companies, applauded the decision. ‘By ending Chevron deference,’ he said in a statement, ‘the Court has taken a major step to preserve the separation of powers and shut down unlawful agency overreach. Going forward, judges will be charged with interpreting the law faithfully, impartially, and independently, without deference to the government. This is a win for individual liberty and the Constitution.'”
In the end, your position on the reversal of the Chevron deference depends upon your opinion of the Administrative State. Do you want unelected bureaucrats to assert their expertise in promulgating more and more regulations that affect our daily lives, or do we want the Courts to perform their traditional job of interpreting statutes, and issuing opinions that reflect the intent of Congress? Do we respect the separation of powers embodied in our Constitution, or do we want a government that exceeds its authority whenever it can for its own purposes? Do we want a government that forgives billions of dollars in student loans in an effort to buy the votes of young people, or an Administration that respects the rule of law?
Judge John Wilson served on the bench in NYC
Illustration: Pixabay