On September 6, U.S. Secretary of Defense Mark Esper, addressing the Royal United Services Institute in London, provided an outline of the major military threats facing the United States. The New York Analysis of Policy and Government provides the key excerpts:
Our strategic competitors, namely Russia and China, [are] learning lessons from studying U.S. military
operations over the years. To counter our traditional advantages they are
investing heavily into military modernization, while expanding their
capabilities in the space and cyber domains. And while the cumulative power of
the NATO alliance remains unmatched, some of our comparative advantages have
been diminished.
As we look out across the global security environment today, we
see a landscape that continues to grow in complexity. It is increasingly clear
that Russia and China want to disrupt the international order by gaining a veto
over other nations’ economic, diplomatic, and security decisions. And as
was the case 45 years ago, we cannot stand idly by while authoritarian nations
attempt to reshape the global security environment to their favor at the
expense of others. Doing so would invite continued aggression and diminish our
ability to deter future conflicts. As such, America’s National Defense strategy
makes it clear that great power competition is once again the primary concern
of U.S. national security.
The United States is facing this challenge head-on, but if we
are to preserve the world all of us have created together through decades of
shared sacrifice, we must all rise to the occasion. It is imperative that
freedom-loving nations recognize the threats to our security, and commit to
doing their part to keep the world safe.
So, let’s start by talking about Russia, since that’s the
greatest concern of most European nations. Russia’s invasion of Georgia in
2008, its annexation of Crimea in 2014, its continued aggression in Ukraine,
and its efforts to serve as a spoiler to peace in Syria demonstrate Moscow’s
unwillingness to be a responsible international actor. Even as far away
as Venezuela, we see Russia making allegiances with discredited and failing
regimes in an attempt to promote instability. For many years, Russia violated
the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty as it continued to build-up its
inventory of strategic arms. And right here in the United Kingdom, you know
well of the lethal poisonings that occurred in 2006 and 2018.
While Russia lacks the capacity to compete with NATO in
conventional terms on a broad regional scale, the threat of a Russian incursion
against a neighboring state is one we take very seriously. To put it
simply, Russia’s foreign policy continues to disregard international norms.
This is why the United States, in consultation with our NATO Allies, is
expanding our presence in Poland, and continuing our close collaboration with
the Baltic States. The NATO alliance remains vigilant and continues to
adapt, to improve unit readiness, to build a more credible deterrence, and to
fight and win if necessary.
At the same time, we must contend with a rising China. Decades
of robust economic growth – enabled by market reforms – have provided Beijing
the financial resources to expand its influence well beyond the shores of the
mainland. This alone is not a problem, however, what is concerning is how China
is using this new-found economic power.
I saw first-hand how China’s ‘One Belt, One
Road’ initiative is manifesting itself throughout the region. What are
initially presented as reasonable investments by the PRC to build ports,
facilities, and other infrastructure, end up coming with some significant
strings attached. The more dependent a country becomes on Chinese investment
and trade, the more susceptible they are to coercion and retribution when they
act outside of Beijing’s wishes. The political and economic leverage China is
gaining by carrying out this strategy has begun eroding the sovereignty of many
nations. Ultimately, this influence trickles down to the security arena, and
leads countries to make sub-optimal defense decisions for fear of upsetting the
Chinese Communist Party and being punished through economic measures or
political backlash.
Additionally, China’s technology theft for military gain is
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in Beijing’s state-sponsored theft of other nations’ military and civilian
technology. Those companies also pose a risk to the secure and resilient
telecommunications infrastructure on which our allies and partners depend for
interoperability, intelligence sharing, and mobilization. To quote China’s own
cybersecurity law, private companies are required to ”provide technical
support and assistance to public security organs and national security
organs,” whether they want to or not. Governments and businesses around
the world should be concerned by Chinese influence that opens them to costly
deals, future coercion, loss of technical advantage, or other malicious activity.
I would caution my friends in Europe – this is not a problem in
some distant land that does not affect you. The PRC’s influence is expanding
rapidly as it seeks to pursue new partners, or what have historically been
known as Chinese tributes, well beyond Asia. But for anyone who wonders what a
world dominated by Beijing might look like, I would argue all you need to do is
look at how they treat their own people, within their borders. Over a million
ethnic minority Uighurs are in re-education camps in Xinjiang Province. Basic
civil liberties such as freedom of speech and freedom of the press are
routinely denied. And we all see what’s happening to those who continue to
speak out against the party’s influence in Hong Kong. I was there for the
handover in 1997 when the ”one country, two systems” designation was
affirmed – I would ask you: given what we see in Hong Kong today, has China
kept those promises?
The United States National Defense Strategy accounts for the
realities of today’s environment, with a particular focus on this new era of
great power competition. This is not because we are naïve about other threats
or seek to rekindle another Cold War. Rather, we are aligned in this focus
because of the magnitude of the threats Russia and China pose to U.S. national
security and prosperity today, and the potential for those threats to increase
in the future.
Deterring potential aggression in the first place, prior to the
onset of conflict, is paramount to our Strategy. This is why we are working
with our allies and partners to improve our capabilities, capacity, and defense
posture throughout our priority regions. With regard to NATO, our top
priorities are burden sharing and unit readiness. While we have made great
improvements in recent years, we still have a number of allies not meeting the
two-percent defense commitment as agreed to under the 2014 Wales Declaration.
President Trump has been very clear – and I will continue to push my
counterparts – that all NATO members must live up to this obligation. The
strength of our collective response requires that all alliance members be ready
to do their part when called. Building this readiness demands greater
investments so that NATO forces remain the most highly trained and
best-equipped in the world.
I want to thank the United Kingdom in particular for your
continued strong investments in defense. You are one of the 8 out of 29 NATO
members who are meeting this target. Aside from the United States, the U.K. has
the largest defense budget within NATO. I would encourage the U.K., regardless
of the outcome of Brexit, to maintain this level of defense spending, and to
continue demonstrating your commitment to security and the rule of law around
the world. I look forward to meeting with my defense counterpart, Secretary Ben
Wallace, later today as we talk about ways to continue strengthening the
alliance in light of the threats I have spoken about this morning.
In closing – during that same speech from 1946 where Churchill
warned us of the ”Iron Curtain” that had descended across the continent,
he also spoke of the ”special relationship” that bonded our two nations
– one that would serve to prevent war and to preserve the newly created
international order. That ”special relationship” remains just as vital
today as it was when Churchill first coined the phrase. If we are to preserve
the peace and order that our nations sacrificed so much for in the past, we
must remain vigilant, committed, and prepared to respond to aggression where it
threatens our interests. I am confident that we will continue to work closely
together to maintain the freedoms we worked so hard to achieve.
Photo: The aircraft carrier
USS Dwight D. Eisenhower returns to its homeport of Norfolk, Va. (DoD)